Guardians of the Threshold: Eunuchs, Hijras, and the Third Gender's Saga

Guardians of the Threshold: Eunuchs, Hijras, and the Third Gender's Saga

 

Across centuries and continents, eunuchs and third-gender communities like India's Hijras have navigated power, identity, and marginalization. Hijras, a socio-cultural group identifying beyond the male-female binary, trace roots to ancient Hindu epics, performing blessings at weddings and births while facing modern stigma. Historically, emasculation rituals—risky, non-sterile procedures—marked rebirth, enabling natural breast growth via hormonal shifts. Motivations ranged from poverty-driven ambition in imperial courts to gender affirmation and community belonging. Two centuries ago, China's eunuchs numbered up to 100,000, serving emperors; Hijras in South Asia reached tens of thousands. Today, India's transgender population exceeds millions, persisting amid discrimination, unlike obliterated imperial systems in China (ended 1912) and the Middle East (post-Ottoman era). This essay explores their legacy, blending ritual, resilience, and reform.

 

Origins and Identity of the Hijra Community

The Hijra community in India embodies a profound challenge to the rigid gender binary, representing a third gender that has woven itself into the fabric of South Asian society for millennia. Often assigned male at birth, Hijras may be transgender, intersex, or eunuchs, living in organized communes under the guru-chela system—a mentor-disciple kinship that replaces often-rejecting biological families. This structure fosters a sense of belonging, with gurus providing guidance, protection, and inheritance rights. In regions like Tamil Nadu, they are known as Aravani; in Karnataka, Jogappa; and in Pakistan, Khawaja Sira—names reflecting diverse linguistic and cultural nuances yet unified by a shared identity.

Their historical roots delve deep into ancient texts. The Mahabharata features Shikhandi, a warrior born female but raised male, symbolizing gender fluidity, while the Ramayana grants Hijras the power to bless or curse after their devotion to Lord Rama. The Kama Sutra explicitly mentions a "third nature" (tritiya prakriti), acknowledging non-binary roles in society. Religiously, Hijras are devotees of Bahuchara Mata, the mother goddess who, in folklore, castrated a devotee to grant spiritual power. This divine association empowers their traditional livelihoods: performing at auspicious events like male child births and weddings, where their songs, dances, and badhai (blessings for fertility and prosperity) are sought for good fortune. As anthropologist Serena Nanda notes in her seminal work Neither Man Nor Woman: The Hijras of India, "The Hijra role is a culturally sanctioned one, embedded in the Hindu worldview where gender ambiguity is not deviance but a sacred liminality."

Yet, this sanctity clashed with colonial forces. Under British rule, the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 and Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code criminalized Hijras, labeling them as "criminal" and "unnatural," cementing stigma that persists today. Despite this, the 2014 Supreme Court ruling in NALSA v. Union of India recognized them as a third gender, entitling them to affirmative action in education and jobs—a milestone, though implementation lags amid ongoing discrimination.

The Ritual of Rebirth: Emasculation and Physiological Transformations

Central to Hijra identity is the nirvaan ritual, a profound emasculation symbolizing rebirth. Performed without modern surgery, this rite—common 150 years ago—involved community elders, often a "dai ma" (midwife figure), invoking Bahuchara Mata's blessings. The process began with consent after immersion in the community, followed by numbing baths in cold water. A sharp knife or razor severed the penis, scrotum, and testicles in one stroke after tying the base to staunch blood flow. Post-procedure, bleeding was ritualistically allowed to "cleanse" the male essence, then controlled with styptics, boiling oil, or salves. A pewter spigot prevented urethral closure, but without anesthesia or sterility, risks were dire: infections, hemorrhage, and mortality rates soared, estimated at 20-50% in historical accounts from ethnographers like John Shortt in the 19th century.

This wasn't mere mutilation but a sacred sacrifice granting ritual potency. As one Hijra elder quoted in Nanda's study reflects, "Nirvaan is not loss; it is gain—the goddess remakes us." Physiologically, emasculation triggered breast growth (gynecomastia) without hormones. Testes removal eliminated testosterone, allowing residual estrogen—from adrenals and fat tissue—to dominate, stimulating mammary development, especially if done pre-puberty. Historical eunuchs, like those in Ottoman harems, exhibited similar changes, documented in medical texts like those by 19th-century physician Armand Trousseau, who noted "feminine contours" in castrati.

The practice of castration becoming regularized in certain historical contexts, and the numbers involved, were driven by two distinct, yet sometimes overlapping, cultural and political forces: the Imperial Eunuch system and the South Asian Hijra tradition. 1. Why and How Emasculation Became a Regular Practice For Imperial Eunuchs (e.g., China, Ottoman, Byzantine, Mughal Courts) The primary reason for castration in imperial settings was to create a class of servants who could be trusted with unrestricted access to the ruler's family, palace, and inner court, particularly the harem or women's quarters. Political and Security Trust: A castrated male, being unable to sire children and having no direct family lineage to promote, was traditionally viewed as a non-threat to the ruling dynasty's bloodline. Their loyalty was theoretically undivided and owed only to the emperor/sultan. This made them ideal for high-ranking positions as: Harem Guardians: Their most famous role was protecting royal women and ensuring the legitimacy of the royal children. Confidantes and Advisors: Their constant proximity to the ruler and the belief in their non-threatening nature often allowed them to gain immense influence and rise to powerful administrative, military, and diplomatic positions. Cultural Acquisition of Power: In cultures like Imperial China, voluntary castration became a path to wealth and power for poor families who saw a palace position as the only way to escape poverty. It was a brutal initiation into an elite, powerful class. Punishment: In many ancient societies, including early China, castration was one of the "Five Punishments" for crimes like licentiousness. For Hijras (South Asia) For the Hijra community, the practice of ritual emasculation (nirvan or hijra-karam) is deeply intertwined with religious identity and a centuries-old role in society. Religious/Spiritual Sacrifice: The emasculation is viewed as a sacred offering to the Hindu Mother Goddess Bahuchara Mata. This physical sacrifice is seen as granting them a unique, powerful, and liminal (in-between) gender status—neither man nor woman. Source of Ritual Power: It is this sacrifice that, in traditional belief, gives them their unique power to confer blessings (badhai) and fertility at ceremonies like weddings and births, and to issue potent curses if they are denied respect or payment. Rites of Passage: Historically, it served as a defining rite of passage into the community, marking their "rebirth" into the Tritiya Prakriti (Third Nature) and the Hijra kinship structure. 2. Historical Numbers (Approx. 200 Years Ago - Early 19th Century) Obtaining precise numbers for marginalized or internally defined communities 200 years ago is extremely difficult, as censuses were rare or non-existent, and records were often incomplete. However, we have some estimates for the largest documented populations of eunuchs and Hijras from that general era: Group/Region Approximate Time Period Estimated Numbers Context Imperial China Late Ming/Early Qing Dynasties (17th Century) 70,000 to 100,000+ At its peak, the number of eunuchs in the Chinese Imperial palace was vast, sometimes exceeding 70,000 in the Grand Palace alone, with many more in training or service across the empire. The practice was active in the early 19th century (Qing Dynasty). Hijras (South Asia) Mughal Empire (Early 18th Century) Thousands to Tens of Thousands While precise numbers are unavailable, the Hijras were a recognized and institutionalized group, especially prominent during and immediately after the Mughal period (which largely ended by the mid-18th century). Their population would have numbered in the thousands across the subcontinent, with some estimates citing figures in the tens of thousands. Ottoman Empire 19th Century A few thousand The number of Black and White eunuchs serving the imperial family, the harem, and the palace administration was significantly smaller than in China, likely numbering in the low thousands at any given time.

 

The process of removing male genitals without modern surgical practices, often referred to as emasculation (removal of both the penis and testicles) rather than simple castration (removal of only the testicles), has been historically associated with various cultures for different purposes, including the initiation rite of the Hijra community in South Asia, historically called nirvaan or nirvanam. In the context of the Hijra community in India around 150 years ago (the mid-19th century), this was a non-medical, community-performed ritual with high risks. Historical accounts and ethnographical studies describe the general, non-sterile process as follows: Preparation and Consent: The recipient (the chela or disciple) would generally have to consent to the procedure, often after a period of being part of the community and a ceremony. They might be bathed in cold water to numb the area. The Performer: The procedure was typically performed by an individual within the community known as a trained "knifer," often an elder or a dai ma (midwife/mother) figure, who was not a medically trained surgeon. This person was believed to operate with the power of the community's patron goddess, Bahuchara Mata. The Method: The genitals (penis and testicles) were tied at the base to reduce blood flow and then excised with a sharp instrument, such as a knife or razor, in a single cut. Hemorrhage Control and Aftercare: The practice was often ritualized to allow the blood to gush out, which was considered a necessary part of cleansing the recipient of their male parts. This meant that the goal was not to completely stop bleeding quickly. To try and stop the bleeding, a styptic powder, boiling oil, wax, or a salve may have been applied to the wound (cauterization). A small stick or pewter needle/spigot was often inserted into the urethra to try and prevent the wound from closing over the urinary tract (urethral stricture). The wound was typically left exposed without stitches. The lack of sterile conditions, anesthesia, and proper modern surgical techniques meant that the mortality rate and the risk of complications like infection, hemorrhage, and urinary issues were extremely high. It is important to note that the nirvaan rite was (and where it still occurs outside of medical settings, remains) a profound, socio-religious transformation for the individual entering the community, viewing the wound not as a lack, but as a path to rebirth and belonging. Today, many transgender individuals in South Asia seek modern, professional surgical procedures for gender affirmation, though the traditional ritual may still be practiced in some parts of the community.   The phenomenon of breast growth in castrated males (eunuchs or certain transgender individuals like some historical Hijras) without modern hormone therapy is a physiological consequence of castration, especially if performed before or during puberty. Here is an explanation of the underlying mechanism: Removal of Testes (Castration/Emasculation): The testes are the primary source of testosterone (an androgen). Their removal drastically reduces the level of testosterone in the body. Hormonal Balance Shift: Testosterone normally acts to prevent the development of female secondary sexual characteristics, including breast growth (gynecomastia), in males. When testosterone levels drop significantly, the balance of sex hormones shifts. Estrogen's Effect: Even in castrated males, small amounts of estrogen are still produced by the adrenal glands and by the conversion of other hormones in fat tissue. With the powerful anti-estrogen effect of testosterone removed, this remaining estrogen becomes unopposed, allowing for the stimulation of breast tissue growth. Timing: The effects, including breast development (gynecomastia), are typically more pronounced if the castration occurred before or around the onset of puberty, as the body's development is still highly susceptible to hormonal changes. Accounts of historical eunuchs (like those in China or the Ottoman court) often note that breast enlargement was a common long-term effect of their castration. In summary, the breast growth was a natural, unmanaged hormonal consequence of the removal of the testes, leading to the domination of a naturally occurring, albeit low, level of estrogen. No modern medical practices were required for this specific physiological change to occur.

 

Motivations Across Eras: From Survival to Sacred Calling

Why endure such transformation? In imperial contexts, poverty propelled many. Boys from destitute families volunteered or were sold, lured by prospects of elevation. In China, castration offered escape from peasant drudgery to palace opulence; in the Ottoman Empire, it promised harem guardianship and advisory roles. Yet, for Hijras, motivations were multifaceted: gender dysphoria drove those feeling "trapped in the wrong body," as modern narratives echo ancient ones. Religious devotion framed it as a vow to Bahuchara Mata, granting supernatural abilities.

Two centuries ago, numbers underscored scale. In Qing China (early 19th century), eunuchs peaked at 70,000-100,000 in the Forbidden City alone, per imperial records. South Asian Hijras, institutionalized under Mughals, numbered thousands to tens of thousands, with Mughal courts employing Khwaja Seras as administrators. Ottoman eunuchs hovered in the low thousands, per historian Jane Hathaway's estimates.

Today, in modern India, motivators blend survival and identity. Amid family rejection—high due to stigma—Hijras find surrogate kinship in gurus, who provide shelter and transition support. Economic incentives persist: badhai and alms (dheeegna) offer unqualified livelihoods, vital given 80% unemployment rates among transgenders (per a 2020 UNDP report). As activist Laxmi Narayan Tripathi states, "We join not for money, but for home—where we are queens, not outcasts." Push factors like bullying (leading to 50% school dropouts, per NHRC data) and violence amplify this, making community a lifeline.

The motivations and incentives for men joining the traditional Hijra community in modern India are complex, stemming primarily from a mix of social, cultural, and economic factors, often driven by survival in the face of deep-seated societal discrimination. The traditional path often involves a young person (often a male or male-assigned at birth person who exhibits feminine behavior, or an intersex person) leaving their natal family to join a community led by a Guru (teacher/mother figure) and living with other disciples (chelas). Here are the main motivators and incentives: 1. Social & Emotional Motivators (The Pull Factors) Social Support and Acceptance: This is often the most critical motivator. A person rejected or abused by their biological family due to their gender identity or non-conformity finds a surrogate family and a sense of belonging within the Hijra community. The Guru-Chela system provides protection, emotional support, and a structured social life. A Place to Live and Basic Needs: For those disowned and left homeless, the Hijra community offers a place to stay and ensures food and shelter, a critical safety net against destitution. Validation of Identity and Expression: The community accepts and validates a gender identity outside the male/female binary, offering a space where they can express themselves freely, often adopting female clothing and names. Transition Support: The community can provide financial and knowledge support for gender transition, including traditional or medical procedures, which are often inaccessible or prohibitively expensive otherwise. 2. Economic Incentives (The Survival Factors) Livelihood (Traditional Roles): The primary and most accessible income streams are tied to the community's traditional, culturally significant roles: Performing Blessings: Offering blessings for fertility, prosperity, and long life at auspicious occasions like weddings (badhai) and childbirth. While this is a cultural practice, it is the community's traditional economic backbone. Begging/Alms Collection (dheeegna): Systematically collecting money in public places, trains, or markets. No Minimum Qualification Required: Due to systemic discrimination, transgender individuals are often excluded from mainstream education and formal employment. Joining the community offers an immediate path to income generation that does not require academic credentials. Wider Network: The Guru-Chela system provides an instant network that can help a person run away and restart their life in a new city or location. The Contrast (Discrimination as a Push Factor) It is crucial to understand that these incentives exist largely because of the extreme marginalization, stigma, and violence faced by transgender individuals in mainstream Indian society. The reasons they leave their families and wider society (push factors) include: Family Rejection and Abuse: Being disowned, facing physical/verbal abuse, or fearing social disgrace. Exclusion from Education and Jobs: High dropout rates due to bullying and lack of job opportunities due to pervasive discrimination, leaving them with few options for a dignified livelihood. Lack of Legal/Social Protection: Fear of harassment and violence from the general public and even the police. Therefore, for many, joining the Hijra community is not just a choice of belonging, but a matter of survival—an immediate, albeit difficult, solution to homelessness, destitution, and profound societal isolation.

 

Imperial Patronage and the Eunuch's Rise to Power

Imperial systems patronized eunuchs not as oddities but as strategic assets, delving into a web of trust, politics, and control. In China, from the Zhou Dynasty onward, eunuchs were integral to the Confucian bureaucracy, their infertility ensuring loyalty sans dynastic threats. The Han Dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) formalized their roles, with eunuchs like Cai Lun (paper inventor) exemplifying innovation. By the Ming era, they commanded armies; Zheng He's voyages (1405-1433) showcased global influence, funded by eunuch-led treasuries. Yet, power bred corruption: the "Ten Eunuchs" cabal in the late Han triggered rebellions, as chronicled in the Records of the Three Kingdoms. Data from Qing archives reveal over 3,000 eunuchs in 1900, earning salaries triple peasants', per historian Pamela Crossley.

In the Middle East, Byzantine emperors (4th-15th centuries) employed eunuchs as chamberlains, valuing their "neutrality." The Abbasid Caliphate (750-1258) elevated them to viziers, with Badr al-Jamali ruling Egypt as a eunuch vizier. Ottoman "Black" (African-origin) and "White" (Caucasian) eunuchs guarded the Topkapi Palace harem, influencing sultans like Suleiman the Magnificent. Hathaway quotes: "Eunuchs were the veil between the sacred and profane," wielding soft power through whispers. Mughal India mirrored this, with Khwaja Seras like Malik Kafur rising from slave to general, conquering Deccan in 1311.

These systems thrived on coercion: slave trades supplied boys, castrated brutally in places like Verdun (Europe's hub for Byzantine eunuchs). Evidence from Ottoman records shows 200-300 annual imports. Patronage waned with modernization; China's 1912 revolution deemed them feudal relics, obliterating the institution.

Contemporary Realities: Numbers, Global Presence, and Obliteration

Today, India's transgender/Hijra population defies obliteration. The 2011 Census logged 487,803 "Others," but undercounts abound; a 2014 estimate hits 3 million, with 2024 voter rolls at 48,000. In Pakistan, Khawaja Siras number 10,000-250,000; Bangladesh, 10,000-50,000; Nepal's Metis add thousands. These communities persist via cultural roles, unlike China's taijian—eradicated post-1912, with the last dying in 1996—or Middle Eastern eunuchs, vanished after Ottoman collapse (1922). No formal revival exists; modern transgender rights in these regions lag, facing bans in places like Iran (paradoxically allowing surgeries but criminalizing homosexuality).

Reflection

The saga of eunuchs and Hijras unveils humanity's complex relationship with gender, power, and belonging—a narrative of resilience amid erasure. Imperial systems, once pillars of empires, crumbled irrevocably: China's eunuchs, numbering 100,000 at peaks, symbolized feudal control, their obliteration in 1912 marking modernity's triumph over antiquity. Similarly, Middle Eastern eunuchs, guardians of harems and whispers of sultans, faded with the 1922 Ottoman fall, leaving echoes in folklore but no institutional heirs. These were engineered classes, dependent on monarchic patronage, their coercive castrations a brutal price for proximity to power. In contrast, Hijras embody organic endurance, rooted in spiritual lore rather than state machinery. Despite colonial criminalization and modern marginalization—evidenced by high poverty (90% below poverty line, per World Bank) and violence—their guru-chela networks sustain millions across South Asia. Legal wins like India's 2014 ruling signal hope, yet as Nanda reflects, "Recognition is hollow without societal shift." This dichotomy teaches us: politically imposed identities perish with regimes, but culturally embedded ones evolve, demanding we confront ongoing discrimination. Ultimately, the third gender's persistence challenges binaries, urging inclusive futures where identity is celebrated, not curtailed—a reflection on human adaptability and the unyielding quest for authenticity.

References

Nanda, Serena. Neither Man Nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Wadsworth Publishing, 1998.

Census of India. "Population by Gender: 2011 Census Data." Government of India, 2011.

Supreme Court of India. "National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) v. Union of India." Writ Petition No. 400 of 2012, 2014.

Hathaway, Jane. The Chief Eunuch of the Ottoman Harem: From African Slave to Power-Broker. Cambridge University Press, 2018.

Crossley, Pamela Kyle. The Manchus. Blackwell Publishers, 1997.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). "Being LGBT in Asia: India Country Report." 2020.

National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), India. "Human Rights of Transgender Persons." 2018.

Britannica. "Eunuch." Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 2023.

Wikipedia. "Hijra (South Asia)." Accessed October 2025.

ResearchGate. "Profile of the Transgender Population in India from Census to SMILE Portal." 2023.